Identity

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Francis Fukuyama
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具体描述

The New York Times bestselling author of The Origins of Political Order offers a provocative examination of modern identity politics: its origins, its effects, and what it means for domestic and international affairs of state

In 2014, Francis Fukuyama wrote that American institutions were in decay, as the state was progressively captured by powerful interest groups. Two years later, his predictions were borne out by the rise to power of a series of political outsiders whose economic nationalism and authoritarian tendencies threatened to destabilize the entire international order. These populist nationalists seek direct charismatic connection to “the people,” who are usually defined in narrow identity terms that offer an irresistible call to an in-group and exclude large parts of the population as a whole.

Demand for recognition of one’s identity is a master concept that unifies much of what is going on in world politics today. The universal recognition on which liberal democracy is based has been increasingly challenged by narrower forms of recognition based on nation, religion, sect, race, ethnicity, or gender, which have resulted in anti-immigrant populism, the upsurge of politicized Islam, the fractious “identity liberalism” of college campuses, and the emergence of white nationalism. Populist nationalism, said to be rooted in economic motivation, actually springs from the demand for recognition and therefore cannot simply be satisfied by economic means. The demand for identity cannot be transcended; we must begin to shape identity in a way that supports rather than undermines democracy.

Identity is an urgent and necessary book―a sharp warning that unless we forge a universal understanding of human dignity, we will doom ourselves to continuing conflict.

用户评价

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##fukuyama 近作。以dignity/ identity 的角度出发讨论了世界最近发生的问题- 左翼力量的下降/女权运动/伊斯兰极端主义/民粹民族主义/individualism等等。广却不深。可以作为知识积累的一本书,通俗好读,案例丰富 ,可以安利做闲暇阅读。

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##花一天时间读完了福山的新书。应该说还是写得不错的,继续了他一贯明白晓畅的风格。不过,福山似乎回避了自由主义与身份政治的内在联系,而将后者归因于一些政治策略或社会状况。他对民主的反思也可以再深入一些。这是我在豆瓣上标注读过的第五百本书,豆瓣成员也算一种身份和认同吧。

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##A good introductory read on identity politics. “the demand for dignity and the politics of resentment”

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##囫囵吞枣,一知半解地读过。身份政治、尊严等概念可以应用到管孩子上,孩子并不会因为你给了他吃喝,好的生活条件,他就会感激归顺于你,他有自己的身份认同尊严,管孩子要考虑他内部外部自我,否则光生气责骂完全不管用。

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##用这个逻辑是不是也能justify,democracy是某锅中产或受高等教育liberal寻求thymos的工具,过度挑战nationalism话语对底层群众不利?

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##囫囵吞枣,一知半解地读过。身份政治、尊严等概念可以应用到管孩子上,孩子并不会因为你给了他吃喝,好的生活条件,他就会感激归顺于你,他有自己的身份认同尊严,管孩子要考虑他内部外部自我,否则光生气责骂完全不管用。

评分

##花一天时间读完了福山的新书。应该说还是写得不错的,继续了他一贯明白晓畅的风格。不过,福山似乎回避了自由主义与身份政治的内在联系,而将后者归因于一些政治策略或社会状况。他对民主的反思也可以再深入一些。这是我在豆瓣上标注读过的第五百本书,豆瓣成员也算一种身份和认同吧。

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##当今左派的问题是从多元滑向相对,从而使得身份政治更加碎片化,丧失沟通、团结右翼底层的能力;右翼的问题是民粹化严重,民族(几乎是白人种族主义)和宗教被政治野心家利用,使得共和党被茶党填塞,建制派几乎丧失议政能力。加之社交网络加剧的撕裂,维系民主政治稳定性的中左、中右势力几乎被摧毁。福山在最后试图提出以普世价值的信条来重塑天然、偶在的“身份”,并在民族身份上着墨甚多,想通过同化移民来解决民族身份认同的问题,甚至在欧盟和美国提出了一些具体的移民政策。这种倡议或许只是超国家层面的一厢情愿,但对于如何系统性地解决一国内国的问题,如美国的右翼民粹承受的经济、社会、文化的整体性失落,福山的回应潦草而简略“缓解其对工作、收入、安全的担忧”,但正如他所承认的那样,右翼民粹的身份认同并不完全是经济驱动的。

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