内容简介
《意大利文艺复兴时期的文化》是一部文化史研究的经典之作。布克哈特把文艺复兴时期(14—16世纪)的意大利视为一个整体,从政治、社会、文学、道德观念、社交礼仪等多角度阐释这一时期的意大利人所体现的“人文主义”的近代精神。在他看来,这一精神标志着文艺复兴时期成为告别中世纪、步入近代世界的关键环节。这一巨著对后人理解和认识西方文明史产生了深远的影响。
目录
导读
第一编 作为艺术品的国家
导论
14世纪的僭主政治
15世纪的僭主政治
小僭主
大王朝
僭主政治的反对者
共和国
15世纪的威尼斯
14世纪以来的佛罗伦萨
意大利各国的对外政策
作为艺术品的战争
教皇的统治及其危险
音女利的辱围者
第二编 个体的发展
意大利国与个体
个人的完美化
近代荣誉观
近代的嘲讽与笑话
第三编 古典文化的复活
引言
罗马:废墟之城
古代作家
14世纪的人文主义
大学和学校
人文主义的促进者
古代的再现:书信体和拉丁文演说
拉丁文的演说辞
用拉丁文写作的论文和历史
一般文化的拉丁化
现代拉丁文诗歌
16世纪人文主义者的衰落
第四编 世界的发现与人的发现
意大利人的旅行
意大利的自然科学
自然美的发现
人的发现
诗歌中对精神的描写
传记
有关诸民族和诸城邦的描写
对人外貌的描写
对生活动态的描写
第五编 社交与节庆
社会等级的调和
生活外表的精致化
作为社交基础的语言
较高形式的社交
完美的社交家
妇女的地位
家政
节庆
第六篇 道德与信仰
注释
书目信息
索引
精彩书摘
Oddi were forced to abandon Perugia, and the city became a beleaguered fortress under the absolute despotism of the Baglioni, who used even the cathedral as barracks. Plots and surprises were met with cruel vengeance; in the year 1491, after 130 conspirators, who had forced their way into the city, were killed and hung up at the Palazzo Comunale, thirty-five altars were erected in the square, and for three days mass was performed and processions held, to take away the curse which rested on the spot. A nephew of Innocent VIII was in open day run through in the street. A nephew of Alexander VI, who was sent to smooth matters over, was dismissed with public contempt. All the while the two leaders of the ruling house, Guido and Ridolfo, were holding frequent interviews with Suor Colomba of Rieti, a Dominican nun of saintly reputation and miraculous powers, who under penalty of some great disaster ordered them to make peace-naturally in vain. Nevertheless the chronicle takes the opportunity to point out the devotion and piety of the better men in Perugia during this reign of terror. When in 1494 Charles VIII approached, the Baglioni from Perugia and the exiles encamped in and near Assisi conducted the war with such ferocity, that every house in the valley was levelled to the ground. The fields lay untilled, the peasants were turned into plundering and murdering savages, the fresh-grown bushes were filled with stags and wolves, and the beasts grew fat on the bodies of the slain, on so-called ‘Christian flesh.'When Alexander VI withdrew (1495) into Umbria before Charles VIII, then returning from Naples, it occurred to him, when at Perugia, that he might now rid himself of the Baglioni once for all; he proposed to Guido a festival or tournament, or something else of the same kind, which would bring the whole family together. Guido, however, was of opinion, ‘that the most impressive spectacle of all would be to see the whole military force of Perugia collected in a body,' whereupon the Pope abandoned his project. Soon after, the exiles made another attack, in which nothing but the personal heroism of the Baglioni won them the victory. It was then that Simonetto Baglione, a lad of scarcely eighteen, fought in the square with a handful of followers against hundreds of the enemy: he fell at last with more than twenty wounds, but recovered himself when Astorre Baglione came to his help, and mounting on horseback in gilded armour with a falcon on his helmet, ‘like Mars in bearing and in deeds, plunged into the struggle.'
At that time Raphael, a boy of twelve years of age, was at school under Pietro Perugino. The impressions of these days are perhaps immortalized in the small, early pictures of St. Michael and St. George: something of them, it may be, lives eternally in the great painting of St. Michael: and if Astorre Baglione has anywhere found his apotheosis, it is in the figure of the heavenly horseman in the Heliodorus.
The opponents of the Baglioni were partly destroyed, partly scattered in terror, and were henceforth incapable of another enterprise of the kind. After a time a partial reconciliation took place, and some of the exiles were allowed to return. But Perugia became- none the safer or more tranquil: the inward discord of the ruling family broke out in frightful excesses. An opposition was formed against Guido and Ridolfo and their sons Gianpaolo, Simonetto, Astorre, Gismondo, Gentile, Marcantonio and others, by two great-nephews, Grifone and Carlo Barciglia; the latter of the two was also nephew of Varano, Prince of Camerino, and brother-in-law of one of the former exiles, Ieronimo della Penna. In vain did Simonetto, warned by sinister presentiment, entreat his uncle on his knees to allow him to put Penna to death: Guido refused. The plot ripened suddenly on the occasion of the marriage of Astorre with Lavinia Colonna, at Midsummer 1500. The festival began and lasted several days amid gloomy forebodings, whose
deepening effect is admirably described by Matarazzo. Varano fed and encouraged them with devilish ingenuity: he worked upon Grifone by the prospect of undivided authority, and by stories of an imaginary intrigue of his wife Zenobia with Gianpaolo. Finally each conspirator was provided with a victim. (The Baglioni lived all of them in separate houses, mostly on the site of the present castle.) Each received fifteen of the bravos at hand; the remainder were set on the watch. In the night of July 15 the doors were forced, and Guido, Astorre, Simonetto, and Gismondo were murdered; the others succeeded in escaping.
As the corpse of Astorre lay by that of Simonetto in the street, the spectators, ‘and especially the foreign students,' compared him to an ancient Roman, so great and imposing did he seem. In the features of Simonetto could still be traced the audacity and defiance which death itself had not tamed. The victors went round among the friends of the family, and did their best to recommend themselves; they found all in tears and preparing to leave for the country. Meantime the escaped Baglioni collected forces without the city, and on the following day forced their way in, Gianpaolo at their head, and speedily found adherents among others whom Barciglia had been threatening with death. When Grifone fell into their hands near Sant'Ercolano, Gianpaolo handed him over for execution to his followers. Barciglia and Penna fled to Varano, the chief author of the tragedy, at Camerino; and in a moment, almost without loss, Gianpaolo became master of the city.
……
前言/序言
跨越时空的对话:中世纪晚期欧洲的信仰、知识与社会变革 本书将读者带入一个剧烈转型与深刻反思的时代——中世纪晚期(约13世纪末至15世纪末)的欧洲。 在这个时期,古老的制度开始动摇,新的思想萌芽破土而出,为即将到来的文艺复兴和现代世界的奠基铺平了道路。本书聚焦于宗教生活的演变、学术思想的重塑、以及社会结构的复杂张力,旨在描绘一幅复杂而多维的历史图景。 第一部分:信仰的重塑与教会的危机 (The Transformation of Piety and the Church Crisis) 中世纪晚期,基督教信仰依然是欧洲社会的核心支柱,但其运作方式和民众体验正经历深刻的变化。教会,这个庞大的跨国机构,正面临前所未有的合法性危机。 一、教权的衰落与大分裂 (The Decline of Papal Authority and the Great Schism) 本书细致考察了教皇权力的巅峰是如何在与世俗君主的权力斗争中逐渐削弱的。从阿维尼翁之囚(Avignon Papacy)到随后近四十年的东西方大分裂(Western Schism),教皇职位的多元化和由此引发的对教会统一性的质疑,极大地动摇了信徒对教廷的绝对信任。我们分析了要求教会改革的运动,如约翰·威克里夫(John Wycliffe)在英格兰的运动,以及扬·胡斯(Jan Hus)在波西米亚的布道,这些运动不仅是神学上的争论,更是对既有权力结构的挑战。 二、私人虔诚的兴起 (The Rise of Private Devotion) 面对宏大、仪式化的公共教会的疏离感,普通信徒开始转向更个人化、更直接的信仰实践。本书深入探讨了“新虔诚运动”(Devotio Moderna)的兴起,特别是其核心文本《效法基督》(De Imitatione Christi)所倡导的内省、默想和道德完善。这种从外部仪式转向内在精神体验的转变,培养了一代更注重个人良知和直接与神沟通的信徒,间接为后来的宗教改革埋下了伏笔。同时,圣物崇拜、朝圣热潮的持续发展,以及对末世论和“死亡艺术”(Ars Moriendi)的日益关注,构成了当时普通人面对不确定世界时的精神慰藉。 第二部分:知识的边界拓展与学术的演进 (Expanding Horizons of Knowledge and Academic Evolution) 尽管教会在一定程度上控制着知识的传播,但中世纪晚期见证了知识体系的持续发展和新思维的出现。 一、经院哲学的转型与局限 (The Transformation and Limits of Scholasticism) 托马斯·阿奎那(Thomas Aquinas)的综合体系依然是大学教育的基础,但随着时间的推移,经院哲学内部出现了重要的分化。本书重点讨论了“晚期经院哲学”(Late Scholasticism),特别是奥卡姆的威廉(William of Ockham)的“唯名论”(Nominalism)对形而上学和普遍性概念的冲击。唯名论强调个别事物和经验的重要性,这在某种程度上削弱了对理性思辨的过度依赖,为后来的经验主义思想松动了束缚。 二、大学的地域化与专业化 (Regionalization and Professionalization of Universities) 大学,如巴黎、牛津、博洛尼亚等,不再仅仅是神学辩论的场所,它们开始展现出更强的地域性和职业导向性。医学、法律(尤其是教会法和民法)专业的兴起,培养了大量服务于世俗君主和新兴官僚阶层的专业人才。这种专业人才的增加,为中央集权国家行政体系的成熟提供了智力基础。 三、自然观察的萌芽 (The Seeds of Natural Observation) 虽然系统性的科学革命尚未到来,但我们观察到对自然世界的兴趣在知识分子中悄然增长。本书分析了早期对天文学、数学和工程学的兴趣,这些兴趣往往服务于导航、军事或建筑目的,但它们促使学者们开始更细致地记录和测量自然现象,而非完全依赖亚里士多德的既有解释。 第三部分:社会结构的张力与世俗权力的强化 (Social Tensions and the Strengthening of Secular Power) 黑死病(The Black Death)的巨大冲击重塑了欧洲的人口结构、经济关系和政治权力平衡。 一、瘟疫的深远影响 (The Profound Impact of the Plague) 本书详细分析了14世纪中叶黑死病对社会经济结构的颠覆性影响。劳动力的稀缺导致农奴制度的瓦解加速,农民和城市工匠的议价能力提升,引发了诸如英国的瓦特·泰勒起义(Peasants' Revolt of 1381)等一系列社会动荡。这些起义暴露了贵族与平民之间日益扩大的经济鸿沟和政治诉求。 二、世俗王权的崛起与国家观念的形成 (The Rise of Secular Sovereignty and the Formation of Statehood) 在教会权威受损、封建领主衰落的背景下,君主权力得到了空前的加强。本书探讨了英法“百年战争”(Hundred Years' War)期间,君主如何利用民族情感、建立常备军和发展更有效的税收体系来巩固国家权力。这种对地域内最高主权的追求,标志着现代国家概念的初步萌芽,它开始挑战普世性的神圣罗马帝国和教皇的权威。 三、城市的发展与市民阶层的兴起 (Urban Growth and the Emergence of the Bourgeoisie) 意大利北部和佛兰德斯等地的城市,作为贸易和金融中心,孕育了一个富裕且具有政治影响力的市民阶层。这些商人、银行家和行会大师,拥有新的财富,开始寻求与其经济地位相匹配的社会尊重和政治发言权。他们在资助公共工程、艺术赞助以及地方治理中的作用,预示着一个以财富和个人能力为衡量标准的新社会秩序的到来。 结论:一个过渡时代的遗产 中世纪晚期并非一个停滞的时代,而是一个充满矛盾、冲突与巨大潜能的过渡期。它既继承了中世纪的信仰深度和制度结构,又在瘟疫的洗礼、教会的分裂和君权的强化中,为文艺复兴时期的人文主义精神和早期现代社会的诞生,提供了必要的历史土壤和思想空间。本书通过对信仰、知识和权力结构的细致考察,旨在揭示这一关键历史断代是如何为欧洲未来的思想和政治走向奠定基础的。