The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany第三帝国的兴亡 英文原版 [平装] epub pdf mobi txt 电子书 下载 2024

The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany第三帝国的兴亡 英文原版 [平装] epub pdf mobi txt 电子书 下载 2024

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The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany第三帝国的兴亡 英文原版 [平装] epub pdf mobi txt 电子书 下载 2024

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内容简介

Before the Nazies could destroy the files, famed foreign correspondent and historian William L. Shirer sifted through the massive self-documentation of the Third Reich, to create a monumental study that has been widely acclaimed as the definitive record of one of the most frightening chapters in the history of mankind--now in a special 30th anniversary edition."One of the most important works of history of our time."THE NEW YORK TIMES

　　阿道夫·希特勒也许是属于亚历山大、恺撒、拿破仑这一传统的大冒险家兼征服者中最后的一个，第三帝国也许是走上以前法国、罗马帝国、马其顿所走过的道路的帝国中最后的一个。那段已经闭幕了的历史，至今依然在人类的心灵中震颤。　　本书是全世界最畅销的反映纳粹德国历史的巨著它精彩绝伦地记述了被希特勒称为"干秋帝围"而实际上只存在了1 2年零4个月的第三帝国从兴起到覆灭的全部过程。以其大量的、真实的资料成为论述纳粹德国最具权威的作品，是希特勒纳粹德国令人颤栗的故事最杰出的研究成果。　　本书是全世界最畅销的反映纳粹德国历史的巨著它精彩绝伦地记述了被希特勒称为“干秋帝国”而实际上只存在了12年零4个月的第三帝国从兴起到覆灭的全部过程。在短短的12年中；不可一世的第三帝国在人类历史上制造了惨绝人寰的灾难．留下了一段惊心动魄的历史。随着第三帝国的迅速崩溃，人们缴获了大晕秘密文件、私人日记、发言记录以及纳粹党领导人的电话录音，德国外交部485吨档案当时就存放在美军的仓库里，于是一个极端独裁政权的全部秘密和罪恶活动就在它覆灭的同时全部公之于世了这就是本书大量的真实的资料来源。

作者简介

　　威廉·夏伊勒（William L．shirer）,生于美国芝加哥，是著名的驻外特派记者、新闻分析员与世界现代史学家。他为哥伦比亚广播公司担任战地记者期间，报道了许多有关纳粹德国从柏林兴起到灭亡的经过。本书最初于1 959年出版．刚一面世就立即轰动了整个世界。英国著名历史学家特雷弗·罗珀在《纽约时报》上称赞他是将“活着的证人能够与史实结为一体”的非凡杰出的历史学家。他还著有《柏林日记》（1941年）、《第三共和国的崩溃》（1969年）和关于欧洲政治，斯堪的纳维亚的书及三本小说。

精彩书评

"One of the most important works of history of our time."
-Orville Prescott The New York Times

"The New York Times Book Review A splendid work of scholarship, objective in method, sound in judgment, inescapable in its conclusions."
--Hugh Trevor-Roper

"A monumental work, a grisly and thrilling story."
--Theodore H. White

精彩书摘

Chapter 1
BIRTH OF THE THIRD REICH
On the very eve of the birth of the Third Reich a feverish tension gripped Berlin. The Weimar Republic, it seemed obvious to almost everyonse, was about to expire. For more than a year it had been fast crumbling. General Kurt von Schleicher, who like his immediate predecessor, Franz von Papen, cared little for the Republic and less for its democracy, and who, also like him, had ruled as Chancellor by presidential decree without recourse to Parliament, had come to the end of his rope after fifty-seven days in office.
On Saturday, January 28, 1933, he had been abruptly dismissed by the aging President of the Republic, Field Marshal von Hindenburg. Adolf Hitler, leader of the National Socialists, the largest political party in Germany, was demanding for himself the chancellorship of the democratic Republic he had sworn to destroy.
The wildest rumors of what might happen were rife in the capital that fateful winter weekend, and the most alarming of them, as it happened, were not without some foundation. There were reports that Schleicher, in collusion with General Kurt von Hammerstein, the Commander in Chief of the Army, was preparing a putsch with the support of the Potsdam garrison for the purpose of arresting the President and establishing a military dictatorship. There was talk of a Nazi putsch. The Berlin storm troopers, aided by Nazi sympathizers in the police, were to seize the Wilhelmstrasse, where the President's Palace and most of the government ministries were located. There was talk also of a general strike. On Sunday, January 29, a hundred thousand workers crowded into the Lustgarten in the center of Berlin to demonstrate their opposition to making Hitler Chancellor. One of their leaders attempted to get in touch with General von Hammerstein to propose joint action by the Army and organized labor should Hitler be named to head a new government. Once before, at the time of the Kapp putsch in 1920, a general strike had saved the Republic after the government had fled the capital.
Throughout most of the night from Sunday to Monday Hitler paced up and down his room in the Kaiserhof hotel on the Reichskanzlerplatz, just down the street from the Chancellery. Despite his nervousness he was supremely confident that his hour had struck. For nearly a month he had been secretly negotiating with Papen and the other leaders of the conservative Right. He had had to compromise. He could not have a purely Nazi government. But he could be Chancellor of a coalition government whose members, eight out of eleven of whom were not Nazis, agreed with him on the abolition of the democratic Weimar regime. Only the aged, dour President had seemed to stand in his way. As recently as January 26, two days before the advent of this crucial weekend, the grizzly old Field Marshal had told General von Hammerstein that he had "no intention whatsoever of making that Austrian corporal either Minister of Defense or Chancellor of the Reich."
Yet under the influence of his son, Major Oskar von Hindenburg, of Otto von Meissner, the State Secretary to the President, of Papen and other members of the palace camarilla, the President was finally weakening. He was eighty-six and fading into senility. On the afternoon of Sunday, January 29, while Hitler was having coffee and cakes with Goebbels and other aides, Hermann Goering, President of the Reichstag and second to Hitler in the Nazi Party, burst in and informed them categorically that on the morrow Hitler would be named Chancellor.
Shortly before noon on Monday, January 30, 1933, Hitler drove over to the Chancellery for an interview with Hindenburg that was to prove fateful for himself, for Germany and for the rest of the world. From a window in the Kaiserhof, Goebbels, Roehm and other Nazi chiefs kept an anxious watch on the door of the Chancellery, where the Fuehrer would shortly be coming out. "We would see from his face whether he had succeeded or not," Goebbels noted. For even then they were not quite sure. "Our hearts are torn back and forth between doubt, hope, joy and discouragement," Goebbels jotted down in his diary. "We have been disappointed too often for us to believe wholeheartedly in the great miracle."
A few moments later they witnessed the miracle. The man with the Charlie Chaplin mustache, who had been a down-and-out tramp in Vienna in his youth, an unknown soldier of World War 1, a derelict in Munich in the first grim postwar days, the somewhat comical leader of the Beer Hall Putsch, this spellbinder who was not even German but Austrian, and who was only forty-three years old, had just been administered the oath as Chancellor of the German Reich.
He drove the hundred yards to the Kaiserhof and was soon with his old cronies, Goebbels, Goering, Roehm and the other Brownshirts who had helped him along the rocky, brawling path to power. "He says nothing, and all of us say nothing," Goebbels recorded, "but his eyes are full of tears."
That evening from dusk until far past midnight the delirious Nazi storm troopers marched in a massive torchlight parade to celebrate the victory. By the tens of thousands, they emerged in disciplined columns from the depths of the Tiergarten, passed under the triumphal arch of the Brandenburg Gate and down the Wilhelmstrasse, their bands blaring the old martial airs to the thunderous beating of the drums, their voices bawling the new Horst Wessel song and other tunes that were as old as Germany, their jack boots beating a mighty rhythm on the pavement, their torches held high find forming a ribbon of flame that illuminated the night and kindled the hurrahs of the onlookers massed on the sidewalks. From a window in the palace Hindenburg looked down upon the marching throng, beating time to the military marches with his cane, apparently pleased that at last he had picked a Chancellor who could arouse the people in a traditionally German way. Whether the old man, in his dotage, had any inkling of what he had unleashed that day is doubtful. A story, probably apocryphal, soon spread over Berlin that in the midst of the parade he had turned to an old general and said, "I didn't know we had taken so many Russian prisoners."
A stone's throw down the Wilhelmstrasse Adolf Hitler stood at an open window of the Chancellery, beside himself with excitement and joy, dancing up and down, jerking his arm up continually in the Nazi salute, smiling and laughing until his eyes were again full of tears.
One foreign observer watched the proceedings that evening with different feelings. "The river of fire flowed past the French Embassy," André François-Poncet, the ambassador, wrote, "whence, with heavy heart and filled with foreboding, I watched its luminous wake."
Tired but happy, Goebbels arrived home that night at 3 A.M. Scribbling in his diary before retiring, he wrote: "It is almost like a dream...a fairy tale...The new Reich has been born. Fourteen years of work have been crowned with victory. The German revolution has begun!"
The Third Reich which was born on January 30, 1933, Hitler boasted, would endure for a thousand years, and in Nazi parlance it was often referred to as the "Thousand-Year Reich." It lasted twelve years and four months, but in that flicker of time, as history goes, it caused an eruption on this earth

The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany第三帝国的兴亡 英文原版 [平装] epub pdf mobi txt 电子书 下载 2024

The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany第三帝国的兴亡 英文原版 [平装] 下载 epub mobi pdf txt 电子书 2024

评分☆☆☆☆☆

书籍本身不错，能够解决问题，满足阅读的需要，就是书籍的品相要提高啊。支持京东！

评分☆☆☆☆☆

很棒的书 没有瑕疵～

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　　没有远见的人似是而非的议论经常出现，而有远见的人却要为说真话承受不应有的压力、遭白眼，我们请来的证监会副主席回港了，她是累得筋疲力尽，然而还有人说她对证券市场的励精图治、建立科学的监管阻碍了经济发展；向公众提醒股市黑暗的学者，只是做了自己分内之事，也有人责备他影响了市场的繁荣、阻碍了经济的发展，无形中向他施加 巨大的 压力；作为创新守护神的《知识产权保护法》最有益于“远见和创新”，却得不到应有的尊重，原因是短期内有害于经济的发展；提醒保护国有资产的学者得到的回复是不懂国情和人格上的攻击。

评分☆☆☆☆☆

书的内容很丰富，很适合收藏，但是纸张的质量实在是差强人意

评分☆☆☆☆☆

好书好书好书，值得收藏！

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评分☆☆☆☆☆

　　个人而言，如果真的要我在宗教和儒家中选一，我选择儒家。前提是共产主义理想真的已经破灭了。虽然有许多证明试图让我相信，而且是主流的证明，这个前提是成立的，但我对这个前提依然有着侥幸之心。

评分☆☆☆☆☆

很好，物流很快，满意！

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